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La Casa Verde, Ethnographic Museum of Equatorial Guinea
"La Casa Verde" in Malabo is a historic colonial building dating back to the mid-19th century, constructed from American pine and originally built in Belgium. This structure, one of the oldest in the city, has served various roles, including as the Portuguese Consulate and later as headquarters for Spanish companies.
"La Casa Verde" is currently in a state of disrepair. Restoration efforts, initiated over two years ago by the Ministry of Culture and Tourism, have been delayed and are now stalled, leaving the building in a precarious condition. Once a key tourist attraction, the building now stands largely abandoned, with locals expressing deep concern over its uncertain future. The incomplete renovations have turned what was once a symbol of Malabo's colonial heritage into a neglected site.
The situation with "La Casa Verde" in Malabo raises significant concerns about the future of Felipe Osá Angue's collection. Despite its historical and cultural importance, "La Casa Verde" has fallen into disrepair due to stalled restoration efforts, highlighting potential risks for other cultural assets under institutional care in Equatorial Guinea. The neglect and uncertain fate of "La Casa Verde" suggest that similar challenges could threaten the preservation, presentation, and integrity of Felipe's collection if it is not adequately maintained and respected within its new institutional context. -
Poem Gritos de libertad y esperanza
Poem Gritos de liberad y esperanza by Anacleto Mibuy -
Equatorian Guinean literary expression: Juan Balboa Boneke's Unidad Bantú
Juan Balboa Boneke's poetry is recognized for its profound exploration of cultural identity, nationalism, and social justice. Born on October 27, 1938, in Rebola, Bioko Island, Balboa Boneke was a significant literary figure in Equatorial Guinea. His works, written in both Spanish and Bubi, often reflect the sociopolitical struggles and the complex cultural identity of his people. Through his poetry, he delves into the themes of African identity, colonialism, and the post-colonial experience, demonstrating a deep commitment to his cultural heritage and the broader African identity.
"Unidad Bantu," one of Balboa Boneke's most celebrated poems, underscores the importance of unity among Bantu-speaking peoples and, more broadly, among all African peoples. Despite his Bubi heritage, Balboa Boneke embraced the myth of Bantu unity as part of his Guinean identity. The poem emphasizes cultural and ethnic solidarity in the face of colonial and post-colonial challenges, aligning with Pan-African ideologies that advocate for the self-determination and solidarity of African nations and peoples. This perspective is particularly significant given the ethnic divisions within Equatorial Guinea, where the dominant Fang group's narrative often marginalizes other ethnicities like the Bubis.
Balboa Boneke's embrace of Bantu unity in "Unidad Bantu" is not merely a reflection of state ideology or a tool for the Obiang regime's homogenizing policies. Instead, it articulates a vision of unity that transcends ethnic and linguistic boundaries, advocating for solidarity among all ethnic groups within Equatorial Guinea. His poetry seeks to reclaim a unified cultural heritage fragmented by colonialism, promoting a cohesive national and continental identity. -
Fang Intellectual Perspectives on Bantu Unity: "El proceso democrático de Guinea Ecuatorial" and "Tradiciones del pueblo Fang"
The concept of Bantu unity in Equatorial Guinea has served as a tool for shaping national identity, deeply intertwined with the country's political landscape and historical narratives. The political and ideological implications of this myth regarding nation-building policies under Obiang's regime have been evaluated by Igor Cusack, who contrasts the different positions of Equatoguinean intellectuals. Rooted in the idea that all native peoples of Equatorial Guinea are Bantu, this concept is part of a broader tale of migration and cultural heritage. According to this myth, Bantu peoples undertook a great migration from Northeast Africa, traversing regions like the Nile and Congo valleys before settling in the dense jungles of Equatorial Africa. Their culture is often portrayed as having significant parallels with that of the Hebrews in the Bible, establishing a link with antiquity and a revered historical lineage.
This narrative is more than just a cultural story; it intertwines with the ideologies of Pan-Africanism and African unity. The Pan-African movement, which emphasizes solidarity and self-determination among African peoples, finds specific expression in the promotion of Bantu culture. Institutions such as the Centre International des Civilisations Bantu (CICIBA) in Gabon, supported by UNESCO, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), and the European Union, exemplify the international community's endorsement and valorization of Bantu heritage. These efforts highlight a recognition of Bantu cultural unity as a significant component of African identity.
Prominent figures like Alejandro Evuna Owono Asangono and Constantino Ocha'a Mve Ben have played crucial roles in propagating this myth within national and international contexts. In his book "El Proceso Democrático de Guinea Ecuatorial," Evuna Owono underscores the notion that Equatorial Guinea's population is entirely part of the Bantu family, reinforcing a unified national identity grounded in Bantu roots. He writes: "...existen costumbres, prácticas y creencias determinantes de la cultura del pueblo africano de Guinea Ecuatorial, en particular, y de toda la familia Bantú, en general, que a través de milenios se han venido tranmitiendo de familia en familia y de generación a generación hasta nuestra días, las cuales coinciden exactamente con las prácticas del pueblo hebreo ... que revelan cierto casamiento o paratesco entre las razas judía y bantú." (27). Additionally, his diplomatic role as the ambassador to Spain amplified this narrative on an international stage, aligning national identity with broader themes of Bantu and African unity.
Similarly, Constantino Ocha'a Mve Ben, in his work "Tradiciones del Pueblo Fang," argues that African and Bantu traditions merged during the period of Spanish colonization, creating a unique Guinean identity. He posits that this fusion of traditions has given rise to a national community whose identity is inherently Guinean. This idea persists in his later publication "Guinea Ecuatorial, polémica e identidad": "...se aprecia una tendencia cosmopolita en la evolución del substrato poblacional espontáneo, lo que constituye una conquista para la guineidad." (38) Once again, this perspective supports the idea of a homogeneous national culture emerging from a shared Bantu heritage, further solidifying the myth of Bantu unity.
Ultimately, the instrumentalization of the Bantu unity myth by the regime has significant political implications. The dominant Fang ethnic group uses this narrative to assimilate other ethnicities, such as the Bubis, who do not share the same Bantu roots. The emphasis on a unified Bantu identity marginalizes these groups, undermining their unique cultural and historical narratives, and reinforcing the Fang-dominated government's political and cultural hegemony. The international community's support for Bantu cultural initiatives, although well-intentioned, inadvertently bolsters this homogenizing agenda, further entrenching the regime's position. -
The Myth of Bantu Unity and Equatorial Guinea Conflicting Identities during Obiangs’ Regime
At this point, my curation aims to illustrate how the conflict regarding the Bantu myth has added an extra layer of complexity to the operation of neocolonial politics, with local elites acting as their conduits in the aftermath of Francoism and the Spanish imperial project. The materials included in this curation—textbooks, poems, intellectual research, and material culture—provide a comprehensive overview of the varied reactions, both critical and supportive, to Obiang’s cultural and ethnic enterprise.
The Guinean-Ecuadorian state itself is a product of colonial engineering aimed at homogenizing a diverse society. The colonial powers attempted to create a unified social organization, disregarding the unique histories and commitments of the different ethnic groups. This homogenizing effort has made it challenging for Equatorial Guinea to function as a unified state accepted by all its ethnic constituents (Muakuku Rondo, 19). Precisely, Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo’s regime has intricately woven the myth of Bantu unity and the influence of Hispanic culture into its political and cultural framework, creating a narrative that attempts to foster national cohesion while navigating the country's complex ethnic landscape.
Equatorial Guinea, with its diverse array of ethnic groups, including the Fang, Bubi, Ndowe, and Annobonese, has been a fertile ground for such manipulation. The Fang, a Bantu-speaking people, form the majority and dominate the mainland region of Río Muni. The Bubi primarily inhabit Bioko Island, the Ndowe reside along the coastal areas, and the Annobonese live on the island of Annobón. The regime has leveraged the notion of Bantu unity to propose a shared cultural heritage among these groups, institutionalized through initiatives like the 'Centre International des Civilisations Bantu' (CICIBA) in Libreville, Gabon, with support from UNESCO, the UNDP, the EU, and other organizations (Cusack, 79). The international backing of Bantu cultural unity adds a veneer of legitimacy to the regime's narrative.
However, this narrative of unity belies the deep-seated ethnic divisions within the country. The Fang ethnic group, to which Obiang belongs, has maintained political dominance since independence, leading to perceptions of favoritism and marginalization among other groups, particularly the Bubi. The Bubi have a distinct identity and have historically resisted assimilation into the broader Bantu identity promoted by the Fang. This resistance has often been met with repression and violence, especially following the discovery of oil on Bioko Island, which heightened the island’s economic importance.
The regime’s exploitation of ethnic divisions extends to other groups as well. The Ndowe, primarily coastal dwellers, frequently feel excluded from the political and economic developments that favor the mainland and Bioko Island. Similarly, the Annobonese, isolated on a distant island, have limited political influence and access to national resources. The discovery and exploitation of oil have further exacerbated these tensions, as the wealth generated has not been evenly distributed. This uneven distribution of resources fuels grievances among marginalized groups who see the benefits accruing predominantly to the Fang elite and their associates.
In parallel, Obiang’s regime has actively promoted the importance of Hispanic culture in shaping the nation’s identity. This strategy serves a dual purpose: it reinforces a sense of shared cultural heritage with Spain and appeals to Spain’s interest in perpetuating its cultural legacy in Africa, often as a means of soliciting development aid. This linkage between Hispanic and African cultures can be traced back to Francoist ideologies such as "hispanotropicalismo" (Cusack, 214).
In summary, the following section of the collection offers a comprehensive overview of the varied reactions to Obiang’s cultural and ethnic enterprise. These materials illustrate the complex ways in which neocolonial politics operate in Equatorial Guinea, with local elites acting as the conduits of these policies. -
TextMuseo Internacional de Arte Contemporáneo de Guinea EcuatorialNeocolonial Politics in the Museum
Museum Artists and Brief Dictionary of Current Art - Catalog of the Museo Internacional de Arte Contemporáneo. Guinea Ecuatorial
“The International Museum of Contemporary Art of Equatorial Guinea also has a special significance, to the extent that it constitutes the first high-level artistic contact between Spain and the African continent on a permanent basis”. (7)
Hilario Hernández Marqués
Secretario General Técnico del Ministerio de Cultura de España
The artist catalog and art terminology dictionary provided by the Museo Internacional de Arte Contemporáneo de Guinea Ecuatorial (MIACGE) highlight significant issues related to representation and the perpetuation of neocolonial dynamics. These materials reveal biases that contribute to the marginalization of Equatorial Guinean artists and underscore the continued dominance of Western artistic frameworks.
The catalog highlights an "exceptional section of drawing and graphic work" featuring renowned Spanish artists such as Picasso, Millares, Saura, Sempere, Tapies, Serrano, Tharrats, Canogar, Chirinos, and Chillida. It also mentions contributions from Ibero-American artists like Plank, Kreps, Oscar Serra, Patricia Delmar, Farnese de Andrade, Da Rocha, Portales, Lile Spataro, Wilfredo Lam, Guayasamin, Sabillon, Torralba, Zachrisson, Jirnénez, Larios, and Mauro Mejiaz. However, despite these claims, there is a glaring underrepresentation of Equatorial Guinean and African artists.
Only two Black African artists from Equatorial Guinea are listed among a total of 228 artists, with the vast majority being from Spain. This disparity underscores a colonial mindset that prioritizes Western and Spanish art over local expressions. The museum's emphasis on Spanish and Ibero-American contributions, while marginalizing African artists, perpetuates the secondary position of Equatorial Guinean art within the broader Hispanic world. This suggests that local art is valued primarily when framed within a Western context, reinforcing colonial hierarchies and diminishing the significance of indigenous artistic traditions.
The language used in the catalog compounds this issue. While the museum claims to have a "notable representation of Africans," this representation is skewed towards artists who have left the continent or whose work is internationally recognized, often through Western validation. Mentioning Equatoguinean sculptor Leandro Mbomio and Cuban painter Wilfredo Lam as notable African artists, while important, does not compensate for the overwhelming underrepresentation of local talent. This selective inclusion reinforces the notion that African art gains legitimacy primarily through international, particularly Western, recognition.
The art terminology dictionary provided by the museum further illustrates these neocolonial dynamics. Designed to educate readers on basic art categories, the dictionary focuses primarily on European concepts and how these trends have been adopted by Spanish and Latino artists. There is a notable absence of terms and categories specific to Equatorial Guinean or African art traditions. This Eurocentric focus alienates local artists and audiences and perpetuates the dominance of Western art historical frameworks.
Rather than reshaping art categories to reflect the diversity of Guinean art, the dictionary reinforces existing Western paradigms. This approach fails to illuminate the unique contributions of Equatorial Guinean artists and does not challenge the prevailing narratives that have historically marginalized non-Western art forms. By neglecting to include terms and concepts intrinsic to Guinean and African art, the dictionary perpetuates a limited and exclusionary understanding of art history.
In summary, the artist catalog and art terminology dictionary of the MIACGE exemplify the neocolonial power structures embedded within contemporary cultural institutions. The emphasis on Spanish and Ibero-American artists, coupled with the marginalization of Equatorial Guinean and African artists, reflects a continuation of colonial hierarchies. The Eurocentric focus of the art terminology dictionary further entrenches these dynamics, failing to provide an inclusive and representative framework for understanding art. These materials highlight the need for a critical examination of institutional practices that continue to prioritize Western artistic paradigms over local cultural expressions. -
TextMuseo Internacional de Arte Contemporáneo de Guinea EcuatorialNeocolonial Politics in the Museum
Museo Internacional de Arte Contemporáneo de Guinea Ecuatorial / [fotografía, Rosa Martínez de Lahidalga; prólogo por Hilario Hernández Marqués]
“The International Museum of Contemporary Art of Equatorial Guinea, with content of exceptional category, must serve as a ferment for new concerns and approaches on an aesthetic and human level. It also constitutes the first high-level contact that Spain establishes permanently with the African continent.” (7)
Hilario Hernández Marqués
Secretario General Técnico del Ministerio de Cultura de España
The Museo Internacional de Arte Contemporáneo de Guinea Ecuatorial (MIACGE) is emblematic of new articulations of neocolonial power, particularly through the deceptive language of institutional collaboration. A critical examination reveals how the institution perpetuates neocolonial dynamics under the guise of cultural exchange and development.
The Spanish Ministry of Culture’s catalog release highlights the museum's role in fostering new aesthetic and human concerns, describing it as "the first high-level contact that Spain establishes permanently with the African continent." This framing suggests a unilateral initiative, where Spain positions itself as the primary agent of cultural influence, reinforcing a hierarchical relationship reminiscent of colonial times. The museum's establishment is portrayed as a benevolent act of cultural enrichment, ignoring the historical context of colonial exploitation and the complex power dynamics at play. Hilario Hernández Marqués, Secretario General Técnico del Ministerio de Cultura de España, underscores the significance of the museum as a high-level artistic contact with Africa. This statement emphasizes Spain’s self-assumed role as a cultural benefactor, subtly insinuating that Africa’s cultural value is validated through Spanish recognition and support. The narrative reflects a continuation of colonial attitudes, where the former colonizer claims a central role in defining and legitimizing African cultural expressions.
The museum's permanent exhibit features an "exceptional section of drawing and graphic work" from renowned Spanish artists like Picasso, Millares, Saura, and Tapies, among others. The inclusion of these prominent names suggests a cultural hierarchy, positioning Western art as the benchmark for quality and significance. The catalog also notes contributions from Ibero-American artists, further emphasizing the Western-centric curation of the collection. While these works are undoubtedly valuable, their prominence within the museum space can overshadow and marginalize local African artists, perpetuating a narrative that places Western art at the forefront of cultural discourse.
The museum's representation of African artists is described as notable, with some artists developing their work within Africa and others achieving synthesis while residing in Europe or America. The catalog mentions Equatoguinean sculptor Leandro Mbomio and Cuban painter Wilfredo Lam, highlighting their international recognition. However, the emphasis on their international acclaim and residence outside Africa subtly suggests that African art gains legitimacy primarily through Western validation and exposure.
The museum's concept and execution reflect a neocolonial framework, where cultural exchange is mediated by the former colonizer, reinforcing existing power structures. The language of institutional collaboration masks the underlying dynamics of control and influence, presenting a façade of mutual benefit while maintaining asymmetrical relationships. The MIACGE, rather than serving as a space for genuine cultural dialogue and equitable exchange, risks becoming a site where colonial legacies are reasserted under the pretext of cultural development. -
TextNeocolonial Politics in the MuseumResearch and Development Center for Bantu and Black African Art
Creación de un centro de investigación y desarrollo del arte Bantú y Negroafricano
“The idea behind the project is evidently the promotion of authentic art that is being lost with the internationalization of culture and aesthetic and artistic habits. For this reason, the future Research and Development Center for Bantu and Black African Art will be made up of different areas dedicated to research, promotion, training, as well as the exhibition of works of art. With respect to these different functions of the planned center, the consultant foresees that the following services should be created: a library on Bantu and Black African art, a photo library that also includes documents on Western and Asian art, and a sound library on Bantu music. In the area of training, the consultant recommends that the following workshops be created: ceramics, painting, fiber, screen printing, foundry, ivory and wood carving workshops; in addition to a didactic workshop, a living museum workshop and a printing press. Finally, the center will include a museum, a room for temporary exhibitions, as well as a conference room.” Agustín de la Casa Rivas, Spanish Consultant
The document outlining the "Plans for the Creation of a ‘Research and Development Center for Bantu and Black African Art" is a technical report drafted by Spanish architect and consultant Agustín de la Casa Rivas as part of the Programs of Participation and Technical Cooperation promoted by the Office of Education, Science, and Culture of the United Nations in 1990. While the Center was never built, the document serves as an engaging example of how neocolonial politics operates on the international stage in the fields of art, science, and education. The document prepared by La Casa Rivas presents several issues that warrant a critical decolonial examination, particularly regarding how the museum space is conceptualized through dominant approaches to art and cultural preservation. This critique aims to unpack these problems and highlight the implications for the representation of Bantu and Black African art within this proposed center.
One of the primary issues with the document is its adherence to a Western model of what a museum should be. The proposed center is structured around traditional Western divisions and functions, such as libraries, photo libraries, sound libraries, and various workshops. The creation of specific workshops for ceramics, painting, fiber, screen printing, foundry, ivory and wood carving, and the inclusion of a didactic workshop, a living museum workshop, and a printing press all point to a compartmentalized approach typical of Western art institutions as well. This format emulates international museum standards, which may not be entirely appropriate for the representation of Bantu and Black African art. This segmentation can strip the art of its cultural and historical context, reducing it to mere aesthetic objects rather than expressions of living traditions and practices. The imposition of these Western categories on a center dedicated to African art risks reinforcing a colonial mindset that prioritizes Western epistemologies and modes of organization over local ones, especially considering that no local artists or cultural agents were involved in the project design or its conceptualization.
On the other hand, the center's focus on Bantu art, as promoted by the Obiang regime, places this particular identity in a privileged institutional status. This approach can be problematic as it may marginalize other cultural expressions and identities within Equatorial Guinea and the broader African context. The promotion of a homogenized Bantu identity as representative of Black Art echoes the regime's political agenda of creating a unified national identity, which often glosses over the rich cultural diversity of the region. By institutionalizing Bantu art in this manner, the center could risk becoming a tool for political propaganda rather than a space for genuine cultural and artistic expression.
Finally, the consultant's recommendation to include documents on Western and Asian art in the photo library underscores the pervasive influence of international, particularly Western, perspectives. This inclusion suggests an underlying assumption that Bantu and Black African art needs to be contextualized within a broader, predominantly Western, art historical framework. Such an approach can undermine the autonomy and integrity of African art by constantly measuring it against foreign standards.
In summary, the plans for the Research and Development Center for Bantu and Black African Art reflect a deep-seated reliance on Western models of museum spaces and art organization. This approach not only reproduces colonial mentalities but also risks perpetuating the marginalization of Guinean forms of knowledge and cultural expression. The institutional privileging of Bantu identity, aligned with the political agenda of the Obiang regime, further complicates the center's role as a space for authentic artistic representation. To honor and promote Black African art, it is essential to develop new models that break away from these Western paradigms and embrace the diverse and dynamic nature of African cultural expressions. -
The Instituto de Estudios Africanos (IDEA) in the Spanish Guinea
The Instituto de Estudios Africanos (IDEA), founded in 1945, was a Spanish institution dedicated to the study and promotion of African cultures, histories, and geographies, primarily to support and legitimize Spain's colonial ambitions in Africa, particularly in Equatorial Guinea. Active until the end of the colonial regime, IDEA conducted and published extensive research portraying Spanish colonialism as a civilizing mission. The IDEA brought together scientists from different disciplines and fields—such as geology, ethnology, archaeology, medicine, history, and law—and other colonial ‘experts’ such as missionaries or generals, seasonally commissioned for specific scientific expeditions.
The institute was run by a combination of academics, colonial administrators, and policymakers who were aligned with Francoist ideologies. Notable figures included scholars such as historian and Africanist Julio Caro Baroja, who contributed to the ethnographic and cultural studies promoted by IDEA. The institution played a significant role in creating and disseminating knowledge that supported the colonial narrative, influencing both colonial policy and public perception in Spain regarding its African territories.
In summary, the institute’s aim was to create ‘total knowledge’ about the colonies from a ‘plurality of angles.’ Visual elements were crucial for audiences’ intellectual and emotional activation regarding their 'expository science'. This institute served as a hub for scholars and officials who produced extensive studies on African societies, resources, and environments, framing them within a narrative of Spanish benevolence and developmentalism. The institute's publications and activities were crucial in maintaining the ideological support for colonial rule within Spain, portraying the colonial project as a scientific and civilizing endeavor. -
The Production of Colonial Science during Francoism
Modern science played a central role in the consolidation and maintenance of Spanish colonial rule, particularly under Francisco Franco's dictatorship. According to Cécile Stephanie Stehrenberger, In the early twentieth century, scientific and technological advancements, such as geographical and biomedical knowledge, became crucial tools for establishing Spanish authority in Equatorial Guinea (239). This trend intensified during Franco's regime, which systematically mobilized scientific knowledge to govern and exploit colonial populations and resources. Knowledge production and dissemination were closely intertwined, involving a dynamic interaction between scientists and various 'publics,' including colonial officials, business owners, and settlers in Equatorial Guinea. This engagement was not limited to the colonies; metropolitan audiences in Spain were also targeted to garner support for the colonial project.
Institutions such as the Instituto de Estudios Africanos (Institute of African Studies) played a pivotal role in this endeavor. Founded in 1945, the institute was instrumental in generating and disseminating knowledge about Africa, thereby legitimizing and promoting Spain's colonial ambitions. It conducted extensive research in anthropology, geography, and history, producing studies that reinforced the narrative of Spanish benevolence and civilizing mission in Africa. Similarly, Hermic Films, a production company, created documentaries that showcased the supposed progress and benefits of Spanish colonialism.
These efforts were aimed at both informing and persuading various audiences of the legitimacy and necessity of the colonial enterprise. By presenting a scientifically grounded and visually appealing narrative, these institutions helped to sustain metropolitan support for colonial policies and justify the exploitation of African populations and resources. Stehrenberger's work highlights how science and technology were not merely tools of colonial rule but integral to the ideological apparatus that sustained Franco's dictatorship and its imperial ambitions.
Consequently, the following items included in the second half of the first collection explore in depth the scientific and technological sources adopted by this later stage of the imperial enterprise in Equatorial Guinea, whose institutions operated until the very ending of the colonial regime in the country.