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Technology and neocolonial Imperialism: the arrival of the Spanish TV to Equatorial Guinea, Fernando Poo (1968)
In 1968, just after Equatorial Guinea gained independence from Spain, the introduction of Spanish television marked a significant moment in the nation's media landscape. Despite the newfound political autonomy, Spain's cultural and ideological influence persisted, manifesting through various institutions and visual media. This continued presence highlighted Spain's neocolonial intentions, thinly veiled under the rhetoric of collaboration and progress.
The arrival of Spanish television services in Equatorial Guinea was framed by Spain as a gesture of goodwill, aimed at fostering development and modernization. The Spanish Minister of Communications, in his inaugural speech, likely emphasized this collaboration, presenting the new television services as a symbol of shared progress. This narrative, however, subtly reinforced Spain's cultural and technological dominance, suggesting that Equatorial Guinea's advancement depended on Spanish contributions.
Local elites in Equatorial Guinea played a crucial role in sustaining this neocolonial enterprise. Their cooperation with Spanish authorities helped legitimize Spain's ongoing influence, portraying it as beneficial for the country's growth. This collaboration underscored the complex power dynamics between the former colonizer and the newly independent state.
The Head of State of Equatorial Guinea, in his address during the inauguration, probably expressed gratitude for the new television services, framing them as a positive contribution from Spain. This expression of appreciation, while diplomatically necessary, also reflected the lingering influence of Spain in the post-independence era. The speech likely echoed the modernization narrative, suggesting that Spanish technology and media would propel the country into a new era of progress. This perspective often marginalized indigenous forms of knowledge and communication, privileging Western media and content.
The integration of Spanish television services into Equatorial Guinea's media landscape symbolized the country's incorporation into the global (Western-dominated) media sphere. While presented as a step towards development, this move reinforced Spain's cultural hegemony, maintaining control over the narratives and identities within Equatorial Guinea.
The original clip announcing the arrival of the Spanish TV is available of Youtube through the following link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_Jt-3Df2gTE&t=10s
You can find attached the written versions of the speeches by both the Minister of Communications of Spain and the Head of State of Equatorial Guinea, as part of the diplomatic, media, and political activities related to the arrival of Spanish TV. -
Colonial Documentary during Francoism: the case of Hermic Films
Hermic Films, founded in 1940 by Manuel Hernández Sanjuán, played a crucial role as an ideological tool of imperial propaganda during Franco's regime, similar to the colonial science promoted by the Instituto de Estudios Africanos. Known for its extensive production of over 200 short films, predominantly documentaries, Hermic Films contributed significantly to the regime's narrative of empire and colonialism. In 1944, under the direction of General José Díaz de Villegas, the company embarked on a major project to document Spanish Guinea. This mission, carried out between 1944 and 1946, resulted in over 5,000 photographs and thirty-one documentary films.
According to Alba Valenciano Mañé and Francesca Bayre, these films were more than mere recordings; they were designed to present an idealized vision of Spanish colonial efforts, showcasing the supposed benefits of Spanish rule and the exoticism of African territories. Exhibited in 1946 at Madrid's Palacio de la Música, the documentaries aimed to foster domestic support for colonial policies and to portray a stable, prosperous empire.
Hermic Films, like the Instituto de Estudios Africanos, played a vital role in justifying and maintaining Spain's colonial presence through controlled representations of colonial life. By shaping public perception and reinforcing the narrative of a civilizing mission, Hermic Films helped fortify the cultural and ideological underpinnings of the regime. Their work was instrumental in crafting a sanitized image of colonialism that aligned with the imperialist and nationalist ethos of the time, making Hermic Films a key player in the cultural perpetuation of colonial ideology. -
The Instituto de Estudios Africanos (IDEA) in the Spanish Guinea
The Instituto de Estudios Africanos (IDEA), founded in 1945, was a Spanish institution dedicated to the study and promotion of African cultures, histories, and geographies, primarily to support and legitimize Spain's colonial ambitions in Africa, particularly in Equatorial Guinea. Active until the end of the colonial regime, IDEA conducted and published extensive research portraying Spanish colonialism as a civilizing mission. The IDEA brought together scientists from different disciplines and fields—such as geology, ethnology, archaeology, medicine, history, and law—and other colonial ‘experts’ such as missionaries or generals, seasonally commissioned for specific scientific expeditions.
The institute was run by a combination of academics, colonial administrators, and policymakers who were aligned with Francoist ideologies. Notable figures included scholars such as historian and Africanist Julio Caro Baroja, who contributed to the ethnographic and cultural studies promoted by IDEA. The institution played a significant role in creating and disseminating knowledge that supported the colonial narrative, influencing both colonial policy and public perception in Spain regarding its African territories.
In summary, the institute’s aim was to create ‘total knowledge’ about the colonies from a ‘plurality of angles.’ Visual elements were crucial for audiences’ intellectual and emotional activation regarding their 'expository science'. This institute served as a hub for scholars and officials who produced extensive studies on African societies, resources, and environments, framing them within a narrative of Spanish benevolence and developmentalism. The institute's publications and activities were crucial in maintaining the ideological support for colonial rule within Spain, portraying the colonial project as a scientific and civilizing endeavor. -
The Production of Colonial Science during Francoism
Modern science played a central role in the consolidation and maintenance of Spanish colonial rule, particularly under Francisco Franco's dictatorship. According to Cécile Stephanie Stehrenberger, In the early twentieth century, scientific and technological advancements, such as geographical and biomedical knowledge, became crucial tools for establishing Spanish authority in Equatorial Guinea (239). This trend intensified during Franco's regime, which systematically mobilized scientific knowledge to govern and exploit colonial populations and resources. Knowledge production and dissemination were closely intertwined, involving a dynamic interaction between scientists and various 'publics,' including colonial officials, business owners, and settlers in Equatorial Guinea. This engagement was not limited to the colonies; metropolitan audiences in Spain were also targeted to garner support for the colonial project.
Institutions such as the Instituto de Estudios Africanos (Institute of African Studies) played a pivotal role in this endeavor. Founded in 1945, the institute was instrumental in generating and disseminating knowledge about Africa, thereby legitimizing and promoting Spain's colonial ambitions. It conducted extensive research in anthropology, geography, and history, producing studies that reinforced the narrative of Spanish benevolence and civilizing mission in Africa. Similarly, Hermic Films, a production company, created documentaries that showcased the supposed progress and benefits of Spanish colonialism.
These efforts were aimed at both informing and persuading various audiences of the legitimacy and necessity of the colonial enterprise. By presenting a scientifically grounded and visually appealing narrative, these institutions helped to sustain metropolitan support for colonial policies and justify the exploitation of African populations and resources. Stehrenberger's work highlights how science and technology were not merely tools of colonial rule but integral to the ideological apparatus that sustained Franco's dictatorship and its imperial ambitions.
Consequently, the following items included in the second half of the first collection explore in depth the scientific and technological sources adopted by this later stage of the imperial enterprise in Equatorial Guinea, whose institutions operated until the very ending of the colonial regime in the country. -
Black Bodies at the Pavilion of the Spanish Guinea during the Exposición Iberoamericana of Seville
At the Exposición Iberoamericana of 1929 in Seville, the Pavilion of Spanish Guinea prominently featured displays of Black bodies as part of its exhibition. This practice was consistent with the colonial exhibitions of the era, where indigenous people from the colonies were often showcased to highlight the supposed civilizing missions of European powers. In the Spanish Guinea pavilion, Black individuals were presented in constructed "authentic" environments, performing daily activities and cultural practices. These displays aimed to emphasize the exoticism and otherness of African people while simultaneously justifying Spain's colonial endeavors as benevolent and progressive. The exhibition perpetuated colonial stereotypes and reinforced racial hierarchies, portraying African people as primitive and in need of Spanish oversight and development. Such displays were intended to demonstrate Spain's imperial reach and its role in bringing civilization to its African territories, aligning with broader European colonial narratives. This objectification and dehumanization of Black bodies as in the case of the Corisqueños dancers served to legitimize colonial rule and distract from the exploitative realities of colonialism. The pavilion’s portrayal of Spanish Guinea thus played a crucial role in the cultural and political propaganda of the time, reinforcing Spain's colonial identity and ambitions on the international stage. Evidence of these human exhibits can be found in the photographs, articles, and postcards of the time, which documented and promoted the exposition’s themes and displays. -
The Pavilion of La Guinea Española in the Exposición Iberoamericana of Seville, 1929
“Spain assumes a new commitment and a new spiritual challenge in its territories of equatorial Africa: the very Christian enterprise of converting the “helpless” and “backward” native population of Guinea. The conjunction of both colonization designs results in the articulation of an enormous project of a Spanish-African spiritual community, very close, at least in theory, to what had been projected on American lands in the past. These are the ideological and spiritual bases that make it possible for the Sevillian exhibition to structure its contents in a Trinitarian model supported by the presence of the Spanish provinces, the American republics and the Hispanic colonies in Africa, with the unavoidable complement of the presence of several pavilions. institutional and the participation of some Spanish and foreign companies” (Sánchez Gomez 1049)
The role of colonial pavilions in 19th and 20th century international expositions merits critical evaluation. These pavilions served as showcases for colonial powers to project cultural superiority, economic prowess, and political authority over their colonies. They often presented a curated image of colonial territories, highlighting indigenous crafts, natural resources, and aspects of daily life, but frequently through a lens shaped by colonial stereotypes and Eurocentric perspectives. The Guinea Pavilion exemplifies this approach, presenting Equatorial Guinea as a cultural and economic asset under Spanish governance, yet through a filtered and sometimes patronizing portrayal.
The Guinea Pavilion at the Seville exposition, spanning 2,832 square meters on a 3,400 square meter plot, stood significantly larger than its Moroccan counterpart, illustrating Spain's expansive colonial ambitions. Designed by architect José Granados de la Vega and funded by the General Directorate of Morocco and Colonies, its construction aimed to assert Spain's presence in Equatorial Guinea. According to the official guide, the pavilion's overall concept was orchestrated by agricultural engineer Emilio Gómez Flores, with artistic oversight by Vicente Zubillaga. However, scholar Luis Ángel Sánchez Gómez critiques the design as a neo-colonial portrayal of "exotic-primitive" architectures, lacking genuine ethnographic inspiration (1069).
Moreover, these pavilions were instruments of diplomatic strategy, asserting colonial claims and justifying imperial rule amidst growing international scrutiny and anti-colonial movements. They functioned as tools of soft power, influencing global perceptions of colonial administrations and reinforcing colonial hierarchies. The Guinea Pavilion, with its elaborate design and substantial size, aimed to impress visitors with Spain's commitment to modernizing and civilizing its African territories, while simultaneously perpetuating colonial narratives that justified European dominance over non-Western societies. -
Colonial Uses of International Exhibits. The Exposición Iberoamericana 1929-1930
“After 1898, a desire to recreate or reconstruct a new empire that, although African, is documented in political and intellectual metropolitan spheres. A kind of ‘African-American Hispanism’ would emerge, as reflected in some colonial texts from the mid-1920s.”
Luis Ángel Sánchez Gómez
The Exposición Iberoamericana of 1929 was a significant world's fair held in Seville, Spain, aimed at showcasing Spain's cultural, economic, and technological achievements while reinforcing its imperial and colonial interests, particularly in Africa.
Spain, by the early 20th century, had largely lost its American colonies but maintained territories in Africa, including Morocco, Western Sahara, and Equatorial Guinea. The exposition served as a platform to assert Spain's continued relevance as a colonial power and to project an image of cultural and historical continuity with its former American colonies. It emphasized Spain's role as a bridge between Europe and its overseas territories, promoting a narrative of shared heritage and mutual benefit.
Imperially, the fair symbolized Spain's efforts to modernize and consolidate its colonial holdings in Africa amidst increasing challenges and nationalist movements in its territories. It showcased technological advancements and industrial progress as tools for economic development and control over colonial resources.
In relation to Africa, the exposition's imperial agenda was evident in its cultural diplomacy and political symbolism. It aimed to reinforce Spain's territorial claims and authority in North Africa, where it faced resistance and competition from other European powers. The fair projected an image of Spain as a benevolent colonial ruler, fostering economic development and cultural exchange within its African territories.
Overall, the Exposición Iberoamericana of 1929 served as a showcase of Spain's efforts to maintain and extend its imperial influence in the face of decolonization movements worldwide. It used cultural and economic displays to bolster its colonial project in Africa and to assert its position among other European powers in the scramble for colonial dominance. -
19th Century Spanish Expeditions within the West African Territory. The case of Manuel Iradier's "África. Viajes y trabajos de la asociación euskara la exploradora"
“Mientras Bélgica ha derrochado su caudal en el Congo, Inglaterra, sus libras esterlinas, Francia y Alemania han pagado su alto tributo en dinero y sangre en el África Negra. España recibe de nuestras manos una hermosa colonia sin derramar una gota de sangre ni costarle una peseta. El milagro fue siempre nuestro y tuvo sus mártires.”
“While Belgium has squandered its wealth in the Congo, England, its sterling, France and Germany have paid their high tribute in money and blood in Black Africa. Spain receives a beautiful colony from our hands without spilling a drop of blood or costing it a peseta. The miracle was always ours and it had its martyrs.”
Manuel Iradier, colonial settler (1901).
Manuel Iradier’s expeditions and the endeavors of the Asociación Euskara La Exploradora must be critically examined within the broader context of 19th-century Spanish imperialism. Iradier’s explorations in West Africa, particularly Equatorial Guinea, were not just scientific endeavors but integral parts of Spain's colonial project. By mapping uncharted territories and documenting the local populations, Iradier facilitated Spain’s territorial claims and subsequent colonial rule. His work, supported and funded by Spanish authorities, illustrates how exploration served imperial interests, cloaked in the guise of scientific discovery. The Asociación Euskara La Exploradora, as a colonial enterprise, further exemplifies this dynamic. It perpetuated colonial epistemologies by producing knowledge that framed African lands and peoples through a Eurocentric lens, reinforcing notions of European superiority and entitlement to foreign territories. Iradier’s ethnographic and geographic documentation imposed European categories onto African contexts, legitimizing the subjugation and exploitation of these regions. This critical perspective reveals that Iradier’s contributions, while significant in the field of geography, were also complicit in the broader mechanisms of colonial domination and control. Understanding Iradier's work within this framework underscores the importance of scrutinizing how colonial knowledge was produced and utilized to sustain imperialist agendas.
Ultimately, Manuel Iradier’s assertion that Spain acquired its African colony peacefully and without financial cost contrasts sharply with the violent, costly colonial endeavors of Belgium, England, France, and Germany. This narrative seeks to justify Spanish colonial expansion by portraying it as more humane and morally superior. Additionally, it challenges the Black Legend, which painted Spain as uniquely cruel in its colonial practices, by suggesting that Spain was capable of ethical and just governance. By emphasizing a narrative of benevolent acquisition, Iradier aimed to rehabilitate Spain's colonial image and position it as a responsible colonial power. -
TextNeocolonial Politics in the MuseumResearch and Development Center for Bantu and Black African Art
Creación de un centro de investigación y desarrollo del arte Bantú y Negroafricano
“The idea behind the project is evidently the promotion of authentic art that is being lost with the internationalization of culture and aesthetic and artistic habits. For this reason, the future Research and Development Center for Bantu and Black African Art will be made up of different areas dedicated to research, promotion, training, as well as the exhibition of works of art. With respect to these different functions of the planned center, the consultant foresees that the following services should be created: a library on Bantu and Black African art, a photo library that also includes documents on Western and Asian art, and a sound library on Bantu music. In the area of training, the consultant recommends that the following workshops be created: ceramics, painting, fiber, screen printing, foundry, ivory and wood carving workshops; in addition to a didactic workshop, a living museum workshop and a printing press. Finally, the center will include a museum, a room for temporary exhibitions, as well as a conference room.” Agustín de la Casa Rivas, Spanish Consultant
The document outlining the "Plans for the Creation of a ‘Research and Development Center for Bantu and Black African Art" is a technical report drafted by Spanish architect and consultant Agustín de la Casa Rivas as part of the Programs of Participation and Technical Cooperation promoted by the Office of Education, Science, and Culture of the United Nations in 1990. While the Center was never built, the document serves as an engaging example of how neocolonial politics operates on the international stage in the fields of art, science, and education. The document prepared by La Casa Rivas presents several issues that warrant a critical decolonial examination, particularly regarding how the museum space is conceptualized through dominant approaches to art and cultural preservation. This critique aims to unpack these problems and highlight the implications for the representation of Bantu and Black African art within this proposed center.
One of the primary issues with the document is its adherence to a Western model of what a museum should be. The proposed center is structured around traditional Western divisions and functions, such as libraries, photo libraries, sound libraries, and various workshops. The creation of specific workshops for ceramics, painting, fiber, screen printing, foundry, ivory and wood carving, and the inclusion of a didactic workshop, a living museum workshop, and a printing press all point to a compartmentalized approach typical of Western art institutions as well. This format emulates international museum standards, which may not be entirely appropriate for the representation of Bantu and Black African art. This segmentation can strip the art of its cultural and historical context, reducing it to mere aesthetic objects rather than expressions of living traditions and practices. The imposition of these Western categories on a center dedicated to African art risks reinforcing a colonial mindset that prioritizes Western epistemologies and modes of organization over local ones, especially considering that no local artists or cultural agents were involved in the project design or its conceptualization.
On the other hand, the center's focus on Bantu art, as promoted by the Obiang regime, places this particular identity in a privileged institutional status. This approach can be problematic as it may marginalize other cultural expressions and identities within Equatorial Guinea and the broader African context. The promotion of a homogenized Bantu identity as representative of Black Art echoes the regime's political agenda of creating a unified national identity, which often glosses over the rich cultural diversity of the region. By institutionalizing Bantu art in this manner, the center could risk becoming a tool for political propaganda rather than a space for genuine cultural and artistic expression.
Finally, the consultant's recommendation to include documents on Western and Asian art in the photo library underscores the pervasive influence of international, particularly Western, perspectives. This inclusion suggests an underlying assumption that Bantu and Black African art needs to be contextualized within a broader, predominantly Western, art historical framework. Such an approach can undermine the autonomy and integrity of African art by constantly measuring it against foreign standards.
In summary, the plans for the Research and Development Center for Bantu and Black African Art reflect a deep-seated reliance on Western models of museum spaces and art organization. This approach not only reproduces colonial mentalities but also risks perpetuating the marginalization of Guinean forms of knowledge and cultural expression. The institutional privileging of Bantu identity, aligned with the political agenda of the Obiang regime, further complicates the center's role as a space for authentic artistic representation. To honor and promote Black African art, it is essential to develop new models that break away from these Western paradigms and embrace the diverse and dynamic nature of African cultural expressions.